Corporate
fraud is a twin of corporate misgovernance.
The two are frequently companions.
“طيزين
في سروال واحد “.
Or, if you are a film buff like A, “طيزين
بلباس “.
To launch
this discussion intended to consist of three posts, let’s begin by looking at a proposal Edward
Hadas made in an article at Reuters.
When a sharp incisive
journalist like Ed writes a piece, it’s always a good idea to take
a close look.
In his article, he proposes the use of private sector
forensic accountants to conduct
investigations to uncover fraud.
They would be funded by a portion of the fees that companies pay their "regular auditors" so that the "fraud busters" could be independent of the economic considerations that are often considered impediments to financial auditors' full performance of their duties.
The “fraud busters” would not
check all companies but only those where they “sniff out
suspicious activity”.
How?
Either from tips from stock analysts,
whistleblowers, worried bankers, and/or investigative journalists.
Or from their own ratio analysis, etc.
The “fraud busters” might
also choose to focus on industries that “attract miscreants”.
They
would be given “a government license to pry”, presumably at a minimum
to conduct investigations and compel the company to provide access to
confidential information.
They
would also have “the authority to prevent regular
auditors from signing off on accounts.”
An interesting
proposal.
However, I think this system would be difficult to institute and
would pose several significant challenges.
First, the “government
license to pry” and the authority “to prevent auditors certifying
financial statements” imply that the “fraud busters” would be granted legal powers akin those to enjoyed by governmental agencies.
If so, this is likely to result in potential
conflicts
between the “fraud busters” and the governmental agencies.
Why?
Because unlike investigative journalists, security analysts, etc. they would be able to compel testimony and the provision of records as well as issue binding judgements, e.g., on financial auditors.
Would
the “fraud busters” or a government agency have the final say
about inception, the determinative process, and disposition of a
potential case?
As well, in order to the prevent the “fraud
busters” from interfering with ongoing or contemplated non-public official investigations, they would need to be informed about them.
Official agencies
would naturally be reluctant to provide this information for fear
that it would be “leaked” in one way or another, thus alerting
the “target”.
Or potentially causing harm to the "target" before the process was complete.
Or that such “inside
information” would be misused for “insider trading”.
Second, and more importantly, giving private sector companies rights typically
the monopoly of government agencies would raise significant
constitutional and legal issues regarding due process and the rights
of a defendant. And probably not only in the USA.
What would be the “probable cause”
standard for a “fraud busters” investigation?
It would seem that
at least it would have to be equivalent to the standards that
governmental agencies must meet
before formally
commencing an investigation, including the legal right to compel
testimony and provision of records.
Think of the steps required for
an SEC Formal Order of Investigation or the judicial processes
associated with US DOJ actions. Or of “discovery” in civil
cases.
There are operational issues on exactly how this would be arranged
(structure) and managed (process) for "fraud buster" investigations to ensure the rights of “targets”
are protected. And confidentiality were maintained.
I think these legal issues are particularly important
because as I read Edward’s article—and apologies to him if I have
misread it—the “fraud busters” seem to have fairly wide
latitude to begin an investigation.
They seem to be “financial
bounty hunters” or a version of the Met “Flying Squad” set
free to range far and wide to uncover frauds.
For example, as per his
article, they might “focus” on companies in an
industry they judge “attracts miscreants”. This might be characterized as “guilt by
association” by targets. And even harder to justify on a “probable cause”
basis if legal objections were raised by the target.
Other justifications would be “tips” as mentioned above
from third parties and financial ratio analyses the “fraud busters”
conducted themselves.
How would the credibility and “weight” of
the “tips” be assessed? Particularly, when many of the tips are
likely to originate from sources that do not have first hand access
to inside information of wrongdoing.
Or where the “tipper” has
an economic interest in lowering the price of the target’s stock?
Think Herbalife.
All these raise issues about probable cause in a USA context.
Should their investigations be limited to the
subject of the tip? Or might they like Kenneth Starr range far and
wide beyond their initial scope to find wrongdoing once they
commenced an investigation?
Initial suspicions on NMC concerned
overvaluation of acquisitions. What turned out to be the “real”
problem was unrecorded liabilities. There were no tips that I am
aware of on that problem until information came out at the final
stages of the company’s unraveling.
What should be the impact of
ostensible independent third party’s report that it found no
evidence of fraud?
As per “Management” Note 2.5 on page 97 of
Wirecard’s 2018 audited annual report a Singapore law firm, Rajah
and Tann, conducted an investigation which cleared Wirecard at least
preliminarily. A Government of Singapore investigation was still
ongoing at the time.
This may seem like pettifogging.
But if we hope to see criminal or civil penalties imposed on fraudsters, we need to make sure that they have no defense from shortcomings in due process or violations of defendants' rights.
Third, if, as asserted, economic considerations motivate
auditors to not properly execute their responsibilities, wouldn’t
“fraud busters” be subject to the same temptations?
In their
case the issue would not be doing too little but doing too much.
Investigation for the sake of investigation because presumably, they
will be paid for the number of investigations they conduct.
With the lure
of a sizable “bounty” for uncovering a fraud perhaps providing additional incentive to “keep digging” or to overstate
wrongdoing.
There are other difficulties.
For example, because they
receive their authorities from national governments, cross border
investigations would likely be more limited that those by
governmental agencies. That is not to assert that national
governmental agencies have an easy time with cross border
cases.
Similarly, granting the “fraud busters” powers similar to
governmental agencies probably would require as well the provision of
legal immunity regarding their investigative actions in order for
them to discharge their duties.
In
the next post I’ll outline an alternative proposal—admittedly
imperfect—that
seeks to leverage existing structures to increase the detection of fraud.
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